StreetSense dropped into interview representatives of the Civic Assistance Committee in Moscow which have long assisted refugees and forced migrants.
“By January 2022, only 331 people in Russia possessed official refugee status, a record low in the past 20 years {the number was 455 last year}. This statistical trend indicates that the asylum seeking process does not function well in Russia.” { Page 8 of the 2021 annual report of the Civic Assistance Committee.}
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“The machinery of the government is slow, but we are fast. For example, during the pandemic, we accepted calls from and quickly organized help for everyone in need- not only refugees and migrants, but also citizens of Russia. Our employees worked day and night, accepting applications 24-7. Everyone worked themselves ragged. Even though it was very difficult, we understood that we were doing good and necessary work. And so we helped several thousand people: we organized food delivery to the applicants, provided welfare assistance to rent flats, and many more." Leila Rogozina, Head of Social Reception Committee, Civil Assistance.
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It appeared elusive! No matter how much I tried, tracking down the offices of the Civic Assistance Committee which helps refugees and forced migrants hit a dead end! I felt as if I was literally up against a brick wall! Access to their site was constantly blocked and their new address seemed remote. I turned up at their old offices within Prospect Mir district to find them empty. When I looked for the new address, it too, though on the same avenue, also appeared remote. It was as if some kind of relentless force was attempting to push them on to the sidelines.
I began to wonder if this organization had ceased to exist or had been liquidated by the Russian state. This is because it has become increasingly problematic for civil society groups to operate in Russia because of the notorious “Foreign Agent” law which if placed on a charity group significantly paralyses their capacity to operate. This law forced charities who received donations from abroad to register with the state under this name. Being branded by this label effectively stigmatizes your organization as some kind of “disloyal” or “undesirable agent” which threatens the security of the country. Charity groups have been forced to spend a lot of time, resources and effort submitting reports, filling in papers, and meeting the demands of other requests. The failure to register or fulfill those requests can lead to enormous fines of 500,000 rubles or suspension of activities.
Many organizations have been forced to close down—and example being Memorial. The justification for those laws is the need to contain “extremism” but in reality critics view them as a pretext for repressing outspoken charity groups. The law is so vague and badly formulated that it remains a feat just to comply with it. The people who seek to enforce it can't work out what represents a real violation or not. So this is a very capricious and arbitrary law which further suppresses freedom of speech and the right to start any civil body or association.
Over the past two years the refugee crisis in Russia has dramatically intensified. As many as 3 million refugees are in Russia from Ukraine and following the seizure of the Taliban in Afghanistan in August 2021, there was a sudden surge of refugees in Moscow.
In the 2021 report of Civic Assistance, Svetlana Gannushkina, the chairman, wrote that many Afghan students in Moscow could not go back to their country because returning to Afghanistan is dangerous and the student's parents were left without a means of existence. She went on to say, “Meanwhile, returning to Afghanistan was and still is dangerous for them, as they fall under the suspicion of opposing the government at home. Our organization was unable to significantly improve their situation. We could help only a few of them get temporary shelters and a little money for food.”
In another part, Gannushkina writes, “By the end of 2021, the number of Afghans with refugee status decreased from 256 to 180 people. 732 Afghans had temporary shelters, 218 more than at the beginning of the year. Nevertheless, in reality, many Afghan citizens were and are still in need of shelter.”
Although the constitution of the Russian Federation in theory provides political asylum for refugees under article 63, free medical care under article 41 and free education under article 43 to all, for many who live in Russia it remains a struggle to obtain those rights. It is interesting to note that students at Russian schools who study the subject Social Knowledge have to learn all those articles by heart. I wonder whether teachers explain the huge discrepancy between theory and actual practice!
After a long search I finally found the new address of the Headquarters of Civic Assistance. It was located in a building on an off-beaten track. The situation looked chaotic. Volunteers were taking out boxes of items from a van as a fragile old man with a pallid face struggled to hold back the door to let the volunteers in. The reception room was crammed with all kinds of refugees and migrants. There were no spare seats and many had to stand. It all looked chaotic—so much so it could cause claustrophobia!
When I showed my ‘Journalist’ card the receptionist went into the office to ask if I could enter. As I was led through the office I passed through many tables where volunteers were interviewing people and offering them all kinds of legal advice. "You will have to pay a 5000 ruble fine for this violation" or "You need to go to this address to get this vital document."
I was ushered into a room by a woman, Leila Rogozina. She had a friendly, pleasant, and amiable face. She informed me she was the head of the Social Reception Committee. I mentioned, "It seems so chaotic. I see you are so busy." She answered, "Well we are helping a lot of refugees from Ukraine and providing them with food, clothes, pillows, and furniture is in great demand. We have so far helped 6500 Ukrainian refugees. We give them each a 10,000 ruble sum. We hand this out to children, pensioners, invalid and single mothers."
Leila led me to the main room where I waited for an interview with the chairperson and founder of Civic Assistance, Svetlana Gannushkin. The first impression I got of her was a very bold, outspoken and direct person. She doesn't waste words. She gets straight to the point and is very articulate. She has been working with refugees for around 30 years ceaselessly campaigning for not only their rights but in helping them in every way possible. She seems indefatigable!
I asked her "It is clear to me you are doing a lot of good work helping Ukrainian refugees. So why do they make life difficult for you by slamming the label 'Foreign agent' on you?" Svetlana Gunnushkin answers "Because they don't want us to help. The government want to control everything. This is a totalitarian state that does not welcome civil society organisations. Any aid given to refugees must be strictly under their control and not from below. Do you know that when there was a famine in Russia volunteers from England came to feed starving people with soup kitchens, but the government stopped them from doing this and sent them home. This was despite the fact they were not preaching or seeking to influence the people in any way. The government sees us as ‘competition.' They think we have power and we can influence things by exerting it. We are not afraid to speak the truth. We pointed out the mistakes the government made with their actions in Ukraine. The government does not like to hear this."
I followed up by asking, "Has any progress been made in aiding refugees and forced migrants?"
Gannushkina answered, "Well there was progress at the end of the century and beginning of this century. In the 1990's the situation was bad for not only a migrant but even a person from Saint Petersburg who had to pay an enormous tax if they bought a new house. It was called the Luzhkov Tax, after the former mayor. The tax was equivalent to the price of the new house they bought! We campaigned against this and succeeded in scrapping it. We have won cases at the supreme court: two hearings against the Moscow authorities and three hearings against the central government. Thanks to us migrants now receive free medical aid whereas previously they did not want to give it to them because they lacked registration or propeeska. The children of refugees can now go to school. But now the situation is different. At this present situation it is impossible for us now to win a hearing in court. The situation has swung in the other direction. Now civil society is under enormous repression. The state is trying to destroy civil society."
"Despite this you appear to be an optimist? " I asked. Gannushkina face broke out into a mild smile, and she responded by saying, "I am an optimist by nature but not by perspective. Is that all?" I answered, "Yes, thank you very much. I am grateful to you."
Gannushkina then asked me that old question we Scots always face: "Do your wear a kilt?" I I answered, “No, I don't wear a kilt in public—especially not in the metro. I don't like to attract unwanted attention from people."
Gannushkina then tried to explain her question by adding, “No I didn't mean that but whether you have ever worn one on an occasion." I joked, "No, but I'll wear one if people really insist."
Gannushkina lamented, "We don't have a national costume." (I don't really no what to say to this. If we had time I'd explain that the kilt was worn like a toga to keep Highlanders warm in such a cold climate, as a means of carrying things and a sleeping bag. It was banned following the Jacobite rebellion of 1745 and the new version is worn by soldiers for mainly ceremonial duties and hired by Scots to wear at weddings and graduation ceremonies.
But that is another story. For now we have to get back to helping refugees and forced migrants.